283 Documented Findings

Meta funds DCA, confirmed by Bloomberg reporters and partially admitted by Stefanski under oath at the Louisiana Senate Commerce Committee hearing (April 2025).

Meta deployed 86+ lobbyists across 45 states for ASAA and related campaigns.

Meta spent $26.3 million on federal lobbying in 2025, an all-time record exceeding Lockheed Martin and Boeing.

Meta paid Headwaters Strategies $338,500 for Colorado lobbying between 2019 and 2026.

Adam Eichberg simultaneously co-founded Meta’s Colorado lobbying firm (Headwaters Strategies) and chairs the New Venture Fund board.

NVF transfers $121.3 million to the Sixteen Thirty Fund (c)(4) annually.

NVF does not directly fund any child safety or tech policy organizations via Schedule I grants.

DCA and DCI share infrastructure: same registrar (GoDaddy), CDN (Cloudflare), email (Microsoft 365), and marketing platform (Elastic Email).

Pelican State Partners represents Meta as a lobbying client in Louisiana.

DCA leadership comes from NCOSE: three of four senior staff have NCOSE connections (Stefanski, Hawkins, McKay).

DCA’s John Read spent 30 years at DOJ Antitrust investigating app stores and Big Tech.

ASAA has been signed into law in three states: Utah (SB-142, March 2025), Louisiana (HB-570, June 2025), and Texas (SB 2420, May 2025, paused by judge December 2025).

The Sixteen Thirty Fund does not fund any child safety or tech policy organizations via Schedule I grants (306 of 318 recipients analyzed).

All five Arabella entities analyzed: 4,433 grants (approximately $2.0 billion) with zero dollars going to child safety or tech policy organizations. Schedule I pathway definitively ruled out across the entire network.

A Meta employee (Jake Levine, Product Manager) contributed $1,175 to ASAA sponsor Matt Ball’s campaign apparatus on June 2, 2025.

A Google Policy Manager (Kyle Gardner) also contributed $450 to Matt Ball. Multiple tech company employees from ASAA-affected companies targeted the same ASAA bill sponsor.

Eichberg and Coyne (Headwaters principals) did not contribute to ASAA bill sponsors Ball or Paschal despite $20,000+ combined political giving.

No direct Meta PAC contributions to any ASAA sponsor across Utah, Louisiana, Texas, or Colorado.

Todd Weiler (Utah SB-142 sponsor) does not accept corporate contributions and has not discussed ASAA directly with Meta. DCA served as the policy intermediary.

DCA has no EIN in the IRS Business Master File. Not found in any of four regional extracts (eo1-eo4.csv) covering all US tax-exempt organizations.

DCI confirmed in IRS BMF with EIN 39-3684798, Delaware incorporation at 213 N Market St Wilmington, IRS ruling November 2025.

Meta’s Forge the Future super PAC spent $1.3 million in Texas ahead of March 2026 primaries.

DCA’s website deployed less than 24 hours after domain registration: fully functional advocacy site with professional design, statistics, and Heritage/NCOSE testimonials.

77-day pipeline from DCA domain registration (December 18, 2024) to Utah SB-142 signing (March 5, 2025). Site pre-loaded with ASAA talking points before any bill had passed.

Meta deployed 12 lobbyists for Louisiana HB-570, which passed 99-0. Disproportionate deployment indicates text-control and amendment-blocking rather than vote persuasion.

Three California tech policy employees from Meta, Google, and Pinterest contributed to Matt Ball within 90 days. All from ASAA-affected companies, all out-of-state, targeting a newly-appointed senator.

Pelican State Partners represents both Meta and Roblox in Louisiana. Both are ASAA beneficiaries, enabling “broad industry support” framing.

DCA’s coalition count inflated from 50+ to 140+ with only six organizations ever publicly named. No member list has been published on the website.

NCOSE has a confirmed 501(c)(4) affiliate: NCOSEAction / Institute for Public Policy (EIN 88-1180705), IRS ruling May 2025, same address and leadership as NCOSE.

Network for Good is a Donor Advised Fund, not a payment processor. DCA is classified as “Project” (ID 258136) in the system. For Good explicitly limits grants to 501(c)(3) organizations.

A Meta lobbyist drafted HB-570’s legislative language, confirmed by sponsor Rep. Kim Carver. The bill as originally written placed age verification burden exclusively on app stores, not platforms.

Sen. Jay Morris’s amendment expanded HB-570 to include app developers alongside app stores, leading to a conference committee compromise.

Nicole Lopez (Meta Director of Global Litigation Strategy for Youth) testified in both Louisiana and South Dakota for ASAA bills, serving as Meta’s national ASAA spokesperson.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund’s $31 million lobbying budget and $13.1 million in professional fees contain zero mentions of child safety, digital policy, age verification, or app stores.

John R. Read (DCA Senior Policy Advisor) lists “Digital Childhood Alliance” as his employer in Colorado TRACER records. Contributed $100 to AG candidate Hetal Doshi (October 2025).

Matt Ball received 8% of total fundraising from tech industry employees. He is the only 2026 Colorado senate candidate with contributions from Meta, Pinterest, Instacart, Anthropic, and Google employees. Four of eight dual-maxed donors are tech employees.

NCOSE Schedule R reveals a two-entity evolution: the original NCOSE Action (EIN 86-2458921, c4 reclassified to c3) was replaced by the Institute for Public Policy (EIN 88-1180705, c4). All 19 NCOSE-to-Institute transaction indicators are marked “No” despite shared leadership.

For Good DAF pathway definitively ruled out: 59,736 grant recipients across five years (approximately $1.73 billion) searched with zero matches for DCA, DCI, NCOSE, NCOSEAction, or any related entity.

NCOSE lobbying spending tripled from $78,000 to $204,000 concurrent with DCA launch and the ASAA legislative push (FY2023 to FY2024).

Forge the Future super PAC explicitly lists an ASAA-aligned policy priority: “Empowering parents with oversight of children’s online activities across devices and digital environments.”

Hilltop Public Solutions bridges Meta’s super PAC and DCA operations. It co-leads ATEP ($45M) and is involved in DCA messaging coordination. First firm confirmed in both tracks.

Meta super PACs are state-level entities (not FEC-registered), deliberately scattering filings across state ethics commissions to avoid centralized searchability.

Meta’s total documented political spending exceeds $70 million: $45M ATEP, $20M META California, $5M California Leads, with downstream flows to Forge the Future (TX) and Making Our Tomorrow (IL).

Casey Stefanski never appears on any NCOSE 990 filing despite reportedly working there ten years. Not among officers, directors, key employees, or five highest-compensated.

Meta’s LD-2 filings explicitly list the App Store Accountability Act (H.R. 3149/S. 1586) as a lobbied bill. This is the first direct evidence from Meta’s own federal filings connecting its $26.3M lobbying spend to the specific legislation DCA advocates for.

Meta simultaneously lobbies FOR ASAA and ON KOSA/COPPA 2.0, supporting legislation that burdens Apple and Google while opposing or amending legislation that would regulate Meta directly. Both appear in the same LD-2 filing.

LD-2 narrative mirrors DCA messaging: “youth safety and federal parental approval” framing in Meta’s federal filings matches DCA’s “parental approval” and “child protection” advocacy language.